A Model United Nations is aimed simulating a platform for young minds to discuss, debate and attempt to come up with solutions to solve a wide variety of issues that are prevalent in world today. It is one of the best ways to enhance your debating, negotiating as well as problem-solving skills which are required in the youth as they go out, set to change the world! At Symbiosis Law School, NOIDA we believe that debates need to be equal in terms of participation, with a focus on not just the right content, but also the use of the most effective way to put across a point.

With this in mind, we are proud to present the Fifth Edition of Symbiosis Model United Nations (SYMMUN’19)! After successfully conducting the National Level Conferences ‘SYM MUN’ 18’, ‘SYM MUN ‘16’ and ‘SYM MUN ‘14’, we are back to give you a conference that will require you to step up your game! SYMMUN’19 will be held on March 30-31, 2019 at Symbiosis Law School, NOIDA.

We look forward to creating opportunities for all you ambitious and talented students, who are passionate about finding solutions to pressing national and international issues to showcase your ideas, thoughts and inspire us all to become not just better debaters and delegates, but also better global citizens. At SYMMUN’19, we will focus on the requirement of collaboration, the need for diplomacy and the development of indispensable skills such as research, public speaking, debate and negotiation.

The MUN Society of Symbiosis Law School, NOIDA, looks forward to hosting you all, who have a spark waiting to ignite a great debate! Whether you are an experienced MUN-ner or a first-time debater, we are excited for you to join us, as we begin our journey to creating a better world, by shaping young minds through dialogue and discussion. We aim to create an environment that will encourage you to bring out your best and will help inspire you to think, deliberate and debate about policies around the world.

SYMMUN ’19 is going to be a conference that will challenge you to research deeply, think wisely and debate wholeheartedly and we look forward to seeing you at your best! 


Distinguished Delegates,

Honourable members of the Executive Board & my dear friends,

As the Secretary General of SYMMUN’19 it gives me great pleasure to welcome you all to the 5thedition of SYMMUN. Let me take this opportunity to welcome each and every one of you back into the riveting world of model united nations.

On behalf of the Secretariat of SYM MUN’19, I would like to invite you to all to join us in making this conference a huge success and be a part of the movement. I, along with my highly qualified Organizing Committee, am looking forward to welcoming you all at Symbiosis Law School, Noida campus this March. It’s time to show us what you got!

SYMMUN’19 aims to provide a platform for debating in a successful simulation of the United Nations. Giving an opportunity to widen your social network and getting a brand new perspective on the global issues at hand. We aim at contributing to your existing knowledge in the areas of international relations & diplomacy, developing professionalism and honing your public speaking, debate and leadership skills.

Since 2012, SYMMUN has become a big platform for each and every one to voice their opinions, analyse and solve the tough situations at hand.

We, at SYMMUN do not confine ourselves to providing you with a good level of debating but also leaving with an enriching and fruitful experience.

To address the global issues at hand, we bring you 5 intriguing and challenging committees:

  • United Nations General Assembly (Disarmament and International Security Committee) – “Establishment of a nuclear weapon free zone in the Middle East.”
  • United Nations Human Rights Council - “The right to privacy in digital age.”
  • United Nations Security Council – “Post conflict peace building.”
  • Lok Sabha – “Reviewing laws relating to preventive detention with special reference to fundamental rights.”
  • Stakeholders Meet – “New education policy with emphasis on higher education commission of India.”

On behalf of the Secretariat of SYMMUN’19, I would like to invite you all to join us in making this conference a huge success and be a part of the movement.

I, along with my highly qualified Organising Committee am looking forward to welcoming you all at Symbiosis Law School, Noida campus this March.

As we say, “It’s not about the resolution, it’s about a revolution.”

Suit up!

Priyanshu Grover
Secretary General, SYMMUN’19

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Establishment of Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in the Middle East

The Middle East Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (MENWFZ) is a longstanding, United Nations-driven proposal to prohibit nuclear weapons in the Middle East. On December 9, 1974, the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 3236 calling for a MENWFZ. Since then, many other resolutions have been introduced to reach the same accord. The establishment of the Arms Control and Regional Security (ARCS) working group at the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference provided a multilateral mechanism to move the international community toward a MENWFZ. However, the ARCS talks collapsed in 1995 as a result of Israeli opposition. Israel maintained that an Israeli-Arab peace settlement must be a pre-condition for a NWFZ in the region, and Israel would only support such an effort as the final component of a comprehensive Middle East peace arrangement. Such a zone would strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), would help to promote global nuclear disarmament and would also help the Middle East peace as substantial confidence building measures. Currently, at the 2010 NPT Review Conference, the Treaty parties formulated an action plan for the establishment of “a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction.” The final document of the 2010 Review Conference calls for the UN Secretary-General, the co-sponsors of the 1995 Resolution on the Middle East, as well as states of the region, to convene a conference in 2012 on the establishment of a MENWFZ.


The right to privacy in digital age

Since the ICCPR came into force in 1976, new information technologies have emerged, and both governments and private companies have at times employed them outside of any legal framework and without regard to individual privacy. In the wake of recent leaks including that of Edward Snowden’s, lawyers and commentators have recognized that while surveillance and information technologies have developed rapidly, the law of privacy has not kept pace with these changes. Although privacy law, at the international human rights level, is grounded in robust and pedigreed principles, it seems not to have been developed or adapted to fit the needs of 21st century society. To take just a few examples, the committee’s original General Comment on privacy, published in 1988, did not anticipate the development of new forms of communication like email and texting, the emergence of government capacities to intercept and process large quantities of electronic data, or the explosion of social media websites. The United Nations Human Rights Council at the Symbiosis Model United Nations shall discuss the relevance and loopholes of the Right to Privacy in the Digital Age and how does it affect us all.


Post Conflict Peace Building

“We have to build bridges of peace instead of building walls of war”- Widad Akrawi

Violent conflicts are strong barriers for development, without peace and security no sustained development is possible. The strong state needs to sustain peace and not to threaten peace. The measure of Peace building is often opted for the prevention of the recurrence of violence by addressing root causes, reconciliation and societal and economic transformation. The word peace building is an umbrella term which encompasses within itself the concepts of peacemaking and peacekeeping, peace building includes the establishment of peace zones, ceasefire agreements, humanitarian assistance, the civil and military intervention and violence prevention. It’s a long term transformative effort undertaken for the development of the state.

Lok Sabha

Reviewing laws relating to preventive detention with special reference to Fundamental Rights

Confinement imposed generally on a defendant in criminal case who has threatened to violate the law while awaiting trial or disposition or of a mentally ill person who may harm himself or others. This is a statement as discussed in the Black Law Dictionary. It is an anticipatory measure and does not relate to an offence while criminal proceedings are to punish a person for an offence committed by him. The objective of Preventive Detention is not to punish but to intercept to prevent the Detenu from doing something prejudicial to the state. The satisfaction of the concerned authority is a subjective satisfaction. Arrest as laid down under Code of Criminal Procedure Code, 1973 initiates preventive detention which questions one's right to liberty and freedom. The justification for preventive detention is suspicion or reasonable apprehension, reasonable probability of the impending commission of an act prejudicial to the state.

Apart from the measures and safeguards relating to Preventive Detention, the citizens must follow the necessity of forbidding the crime in expanding further and reasonably support preventive Detention, but cases shows unlawful detention stating mechanism for prevention of cognizable offences. This, it may be derived that those who are reasonable for the national security or for maintenance of public order must be the sole judges of what the national security or public order requires. It should be the responsibility of the detaining authority to detain a person with a view to prevent him from acting in a manner prejudicial to the maintenance of public order. 


New Education Policy with emphasis on higher education commission of India

The proposal for a Higher Education Commission of India (HECI) 2018 has not the slightest semblance of an articulated vision for the country, other than imposing direct state control on higher education institutions, through transferring all financial powers from the University Grants Commission to the Ministry of Human Resource Development. A prominent function of the proposed HECI includes ‘taking measures to promote the autonomy of higher educational institutions for the free pursuit of knowledge, innovation, incubation and entrepreneurship, and providing for comprehensive and holistic growth of higher education and research in a competitive global environment’. This last phrase makes the neoliberal agenda more than apparent, where autonomy is a euphemism to make institutions fend for themselves, and contend with the forces of the market. The government is already pushing colleges to seek autonomy, under the ostensible veneer of academic excellence, allowing them freedom to set their own norms, including criteria for selection of students, setting of fees, teacher’s recruitment and salaries, design of courses, along with a host of other administrative and management functions. This is tied to reduced funding and salary grants from the UGC, which institutions are expected to raise themselves, through corporate sponsorships, consultancies, etc. Many universities and college faculties have been strongly opposing this move towards autonomy, seeing it as a brazen route towards commercialization and increased marginalization or complete exclusion of students from socially oppressed and economically weaker sections.

Recent policy moves from the government on research grants to students or on ensuring reservation in teaching positions too have led to massive protests from university students and teachers and shown that the present disposition is in no way committed to ‘academic autonomy’ as was posited by the University Education Commission 1949, nor does it share its constitutional mandate of democracy, justice, liberty and equality. Repealing the UGC Act and naming the new regulatory body as the HECI, with little academic autonomy itself, whose composition and functions are largely controlled by the government, does not lend credence to its professed role in promoting quality higher education. Moreover, coupled with its unilateral and absolute powers to authorize, monitor, shut down, lay down norms for graded autonomy or standards for performance based incentivisation, and even recommend disinvestment from higher education institutions, this body deludes hope in the future of higher education, and further distances itself from the early policy vision of an equitable, transformative education in hope and courage. 

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  1. United Nations General Assembly (Disarmament and International Security Committee) – “Establishment of a nuclear weapon free zone in the Middle East.”
  2. United Nations Human Rights Council - “The right to privacy in digital age.”
  3. United Nations Security Council – “Post conflict peace building.”
  4. Lok Sabha – “Reviewing laws relating to preventive detention with special reference to fundamental rights.”
  5. Stakeholders Meet – “New education policy with emphasis on higher education commission of India.”

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United Nations General Assembly
Chairperson – Ashish Bhardwaj
Vice Chairperson – Nishant Pandey
Vice Chairperson – Shriyank Mulgund

United Nations Human Rights Council
President - Bhoomik Sharma
Vice President - Deviena Srivastava
Rapporteur – Fagun Sahini

United Nations Security Council
President – Satrajit Sahani
Director – Bhavya Birla

Lok Sabha
Speaker – Ambuj Singh Bhardwaj
Deputy Speaker – Mayank Singhal
Political Advisor – Ayush Sanjeev Goyal

Stakeholders Meet
Moderator- Rishi Raj
Co-Moderator – Samman Vardhan Gautam
Scribe: Shwetank Upadhyay

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Secretary General: Priyanshu Grover
Director General: Avinash Singh Vishen


Delegate Affairs: Isha Gupta & Shiwani Agarwal
International Press: Shivani Raheja
Public Relations and Finance: Vishwas Fatehpuria
Sponsorship: Aayushi Sahani & Vipasha Happa
Hospitality: Bhavraj Singh
Logistics: Yash Mitra Pandey
IT: Utkarsh Gupta

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